If the struggle which we are seeking to avoid with all our might has
to come, and if it is to remain non-violent as it must in order to
succeed, fasting is likely to play an important part in it. It has
its place in the tussle with authority and with our own people in
the event of wanton acts of violence and obstinate riots for
instance.
There is a natural prejudice against it as part of a political
struggle. It has a recognized place in religious practice. But it is
considered a vulgar interpolation in politics by the ordinary
politician though it has always been resorted to by prisoners in a
haphazard way with more or less success. By fasting, however, they
have always succeeded in drawing public attention and disturbing the
peace of jail authorities.
My own fasts have always, as I hold, been strictly according to the
law of Satyagraha. Fellow Satyagrahis too in South Africa fasted
partially or wholly. My fasts have been varied. There was the
Hindu-Muslim unity fast of 21 days in 1924 started under the late
Maulana Mahomed Ali's roof in Delhi. The indeterminate fast against
the MacDonald Award was taken in the Yeravda Prison in 1932. The 21
days' purificatory fast was begun in the Yeravda Prison and was
finished at Lady Thakersey's, as the Government would not take the
burden of my being in the prison in that condition. Then followed
another fast in the Yeravda Prison in 1933 against the Government
refusal to let me carry on anti-untouchability work through
Harijan (issued from prison) on the same basis as facilities had
been allowed me four months before. They would not yield, but they
discharged me when their medical advisers thought I could not live
many days if the fast was not given up. Then followed the ill-fated
Rajkot fast in 1939. A false step taken by me thoughtlessly during
that fast thwarted the brilliant result that would otherwise
certainly have been achieved. In spite of all these fasts, fasting
has not been accepted as a recognized part of Satyagraha. It has
only been tolerated by the politicians. I have however been driven
to the conclusion that fasting unto death is an integral part of
Satyagraha programme, and it is the greatest and most effective
weapon in its armoury under given circumstances. Not everyone is
qualified for undertaking it without a proper course of training.
I may not burden this note with an examination of the circumstances
under which fasting may be resorted to and the training required for
it. Non-violence in its positive aspect as benevolence ( I do not
use the word love as it has fallen into disrepute) is the greatest
force because of the limitless scope it affords for self-suffering
without causing or intending any physical or material injury to the
wrongdoer. The object always is to evoke the best in him. Self-
suffering is an appeal to his better nature, as retaliation is to
his baser. Fasting under proper circumstances is such an appeal
par excellence. If the politician does not perceive its
propriety in political matters, it is because it is a novel use of
this very fine weapon.
To practise non-violence in mundane matters is to know its true
value. It is to bring heaven upon earth. There is no such thing as
the other world. All worlds are one. There is no here 'and no' there
As Jeans has demonstrated, the whole universe including the most
distant stars, invisible even through the most powerful telescope
in the world, is compressed in an atom. I hold it therefore to be
wrong to limit the use of non-violence to cave dwellers and for
acquiring merit for a favoured position in the other world. All
virtue ceases to have use if it serves no purpose in every walk of
life. I would therefore plead with the purely political-minded
people to study non-violence and fasting as its extreme
manifestation with sympathy and understanding.
Sevagram,
20-7-'42
Harijan, 26-7-1942