I must confess at the outset that, though I have no ill-will against
you, I intensely dislike your attack upon China. From your lofty
height you have descended to imperial ambition. You will fail to
realize that ambition and may become the authors of the
dismemberment of Asia, thus unwittingly preventing world federation
and brotherhood without which there can be no hope for humanity.
Ever since I was a lad of eighteen studying in London over fifty
years ago, I learnt, through the writings of the late Sir Edwin
Arnold, to prize the many excellent qualities of your nation. I was
thrilled when in South Africa I learnt of your brilliant victory
over Russian arms. After my return to India from South Africa in
1915, I came in close touch with Japanese monks who lived as members
of our Ashram from time to time. One of them became a valuable
member of the Ashram in Sevagram, and his application to duty, his
dignified bearing, his unfailing devotion to daily worship,
affability, unruffledness under varying circumstances, and his
natural smile which was positive evidence of his inner peace had
endeared him to all of us. And now that owing to your declaration of
war against Great Britain he has been taken away from us, we miss
him as a dear co-worker. He has left behind him as a memory his
daily prayer and his little drum, to the accompaniment of which we
open our morning and evening prayers.
In the background of these pleasant recollections I grieve deeply as
I contemplate what appears to me to be your unprovoked attack
against China and, if reports are to be believed, your merciless
devastation of the great and ancient land.
It was a worthy ambition of yours to take equal rank with the Great
Powers of the world. Your aggression against China and your alliance
with the Axis Powers was surely an unwarranted excess of that
ambition.
I should have thought that you would be proud of the fact that that
great and ancient people, whose old classical literature you have
adopted as your own, are your neighbours. Your understanding of one
another's history, tradition, literature should bind you as friends
rather than make you the enemies you are today.
If I was a free man, and if you allowed me to come to your country,
frail though I am, I would not mind risking my health, may be my
life, to come to your country to plead with you to desist from the
wrong you are doing to China and the world and therefore to
yourself.
But I enjoy no such freedom. And we are in the unique position of
having to resist an imperialism that we detest no less than yours
and Nazism. Our resistance to it does not mean harm to the British
people. We seek to convert them. Ours is an unarmed revolt against
British rule. An important part in the country is engaged in a
deadly but friendly quarrel with the foreign rulers.
But in this they need no aid from foreign Powers. You have been
gravely misinformed, as I know you are, that we have chosen this
particular moment to embarrass the Allies when your attack against
India is imminent. If we wanted to turn Britain's difficulty into
our opportunity we should have done it as soon as the war broke out
nearly three years ago.
Our movement demanding the withdrawal of the British power from
India should in no way be misunderstood. In fact, if we are to
believe your reported anxiety for the independence of India, a
recognition of that independence by Britain should leave you no
excuse for any attack on India. Moreover the reported profession
sorts ill with your ruthless aggression against China.
I would ask you to make no mistake about the fact that you will be
sadly disillusioned if you believe that you will receive a willing
welcome from India. The end and aim of the movement for British
withdrawal is to prepare India, by making her free for resisting all
militarist and imperialist ambition, whether it is called British
Imperialism, German Nazism, or your pattern. If we do not, we shall
have been ignoble spectators of the militarization of the world in
spite of our belief that in non-violence we have the only solvent of
the militarist spirit and ambition. Personally I fear that without
declaring the independence of India the Allied Powers will not be
able to beat the Axis combination which has raised violence to the
dignity of a religion. The Allies cannot beat you and your partners
unless they beat you in your ruthless and skilled warfare. If they
copy it, their declaration that they will save the world for
democracy and individual freedom must come to naught. I feel that
they can only gain strength to avoid copying your ruthlessness by
declaring and recognizing now the freedom of India, and
turning sullen India's forced cooperation into freed India's
voluntary co-operation.
To Britain and the Allies we have appealed in the name of justice,
in proof of their professions, and in their own self-interest. To
you I appeal in the name of humanity. It is a marvel to me that you
do not see that ruthless warfare is nobody's monopoly. If not the
Allies some other Power will certainly improve upon your method and
beat you with your own weapon. Even if you win you will leave no
legacy to your people of which they would feel proud. They cannot
take pride in a recital of cruel deeds however skillfully achieved.
Even if you win it will not prove that you were in the right, it
will only prove that your power of destruction was greater. This
applies obviously to the Allies too, unless they perform now the
just and righteous act of freeing India as an earnest and promise of
similarly freeing all other subject peoples in Asia and Africa.
Our appeal to Britain is coupled with the offer of Free India's
willingness to let the Allies retain their troops in India. The
offer is made in order to prove that we do not in any way mean to
harm the Allied cause, and in order to prevent you from being misled
into feeling that you have but to step into the country that Britain
has vacated. Needless to repeat that if you cherish any such idea
and will carry it out, we will not fail in resisting you with all
the might that our country can muster. I address this appeal to you
in the hope that our movement may even influence you and your
partners in the right direction and deflect you and them from the
course which is bound to end in your moral ruin and the reduction of
human beings to robots.
The hope of your response to my appeal is much fainter than that of
response from Britain. I know that the British are not devoid of a
sense of justice and they know me. I do not know you enough to be
able to judge. All I have read tells me that you listen to no appeal
but to the sword. How I wish that you are cruelly misrepresented and
that I shall touch the right chord in your heart! Any way I have an
undying faith in the responsiveness of human nature. On the strength
of that faith I have conceived the impending movement in India, and
it is that faith which has prompted this appeal to you.
I am,
Your friend and well-wisher,
M. K. Gandhi
Sevagram,
18-7-'42
Harijan, 26-7-1942