 
	 GANDHI 
	SEVAGRAM 
		ASHRAM
	GANDHI 
	SEVAGRAM 
		ASHRAM
Written by :  M. K. Gandhi
Compiled and Edited by : Sailesh Kumar Bandopadhyaya
First Edition : 3,000 copies, November 1960
ISBN : 81-7229-223-6
Printed and Published by : Navajivan Mudranalaya, 
Ahemadabad-380014 
India
© Navajivan Trust, 1960
( With the members of the Gandhi Seva Sangh )
“Non-violence is not a cloistered virtue, confined only to the Rishi 
and the cave-dweller. It is capable of being practised by the 
millions, not with full knowledge of its implications, but because 
it is the law of our species. It distinguishes man from the brute. 
But man has not shed the brute in him. He has to strive to do so. 
This striving applies to the practice of non-violence, not to the 
belief in it. I cannot strive to believe in a principle: I either 
believe in it or I do not. And if I believe in it, I must bravely 
strive to practise it. Ahimsa is an attribute of the brave. 
Cowardice and Ahimsa do not go together any more than water and 
fire. It is that Ahimsa that every member of the Gandhi Seva Sangh 
has to make a conscious effort to develop in himself.
“We have often thought about this question, but the hour of our 
trial has arrived today, as much with reference to war as with the 
struggle for Swaraj and equally with reference to Hindu-Muslim 
unity. Remember also that your non-violence cannot operate 
effectively unless you have faith in the spinning wheel. I would ask 
you to read Hind Swaraj with my eyes and see therein the 
chapter on how to make India non-violent. You cannot build 
non-violence on a factory civilization, but it can be built on 
self-contained villages. Even if Hitler was so minded, he could not 
devastate seven hundred thousand non-violent villages. He would 
himself become non-violent in the process. Rural economy, as I have 
conceived it, eschews exploitation altogether, and exploitation is 
the essence of violence. You have, therefore, to be rural-minded 
before you can be nonviolent, and to be rural-minded you have to 
have faith in the spinning wheel."
Posers
The members slept over this discourse and met Gandhiji again the 
next day. Numerous questions were troubling them, as they should 
everyone who is a votary of Ahimsa. But out of regard for Gandhiji's 
time they limited themselves to a few.
"How can a believer in the non-violence of your conception be a 
minister?"
"I fear he cannot in the present state of things," said Gandhiji. 
"We have seen that our ministers have had to resort to violence even 
as the British Government in the pre-autonomy days. It was 
inevitable perhaps. Had Congressmen been truly non-violent, there 
would have been no resort to force. But the Congress majorities were 
not based on unadulterated non-violence. A minister said the other 
day that, although he had not given up an iota of non-violence, he 
could not do without resorting to the minimum of firing. He had 
resorted to it only to the extent that it was unavoidable. He may 
have said it then; he may not say it again if I can help it. For, if 
he goes in again, he will have made his position clear, and he will 
represent a House that is predominantly non-violent. In other words, 
he will take office, if he is sure that the people would let him 
carry on the government on a non-violent basis."
"But may it not be that whereas a non-violent minister will confine 
violence to the lowest minimum, one who does not believe in 
non-violence would observe no such restraint?"
"That belief is a delusion. All those who are using violence today 
make the same claim. Hitler too would say the same thing. General 
Dyer was acclaimed as the hero of the hour by the House of Lords 
because his object was said to be to prevent the spread of mob 
violence. Soviet Russia believes its violence is a transitional 
stage to the establishment of an order without violence.
Non-violence is impossible without self-purification. Let us, 
therefore, be members of a self-purification association, but no 
association is necessary for that purpose. Therefore let us try, 
each in our own way, to face difficulties and problems as they come 
and see how far we can go. In Hudli, two years ago, I asked you to 
help in the elections and in sending the best possible men to the 
legislature. I gave advice in the atmosphere as it existed then. I 
cannot give you that advice today. In fact the time may have come 
when it becomes necessary for such of you as believe in the 
non-violence of the brave to retire from the Congress as I did in 
1934."
"How do you think that the masses can practise nonviolence, when we 
know that they are all prone to anger, hate, ill-will? They are 
known to fight for the most trivial things."
"They are, and yet I think they can practise nonviolence for the 
common good. Do you think the thousands of women that collected 
contraband salt had ill-will against anyone? They knew that the 
Congress or Gandhi had asked them to do certain things, and they did 
those things in faith and hope. To my mind the most perfect 
demonstration of non-violence was in Champaran. Did the thousands of 
ryots who rose up in revolt against the agrarian evils harbour the 
least ill-will against the Government or the planters? Their belief 
in non-violence was unintelligent, even as the belief in the earth 
being round with many is unintelligent. But their belief in their 
leaders was genuine, and that was enough. With those who lead it is 
another matter. Their belief has got to be intelligent, and they 
have to live up to all the implications of the belief."
"But then are not the masses the world over like that?"
"They are not, for others have not that background of non-violence."
"But if there was non-violence ingrained in our masses, how should 
they have come to this state of slavery?"
"There 
indeed is what I flatter myself is going to be my contribution. I 
want that non-violence of the weak to become non-violence of the 
brave. It may be a dream, but I have to strive for its realization."
Sevagram, 29-10-'39
Harijan, 4-11-1939