GANDHI PHILOSOPHY : Gandhian view on Non-Violence

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Mahatma Gandhi


On Non-Violence

Gandhi's View

  1. Non-violence & World Crisis
  2. Nonviolence Vs. Violence
  3. Religion Vs. No Religion
  4. The Doctrine of The Sword
  5. My Faith in Nonviolence

From The Mind of Mahatma Gandhi

  1. Resistance To Aggression
  2. The Choice before India
  3. The Way to Peace
  4. The Gospel of Nonviolence
  5. The Power of Nonviolence
  6. Training For Nonviolence
  7. Application of Nonviolence
  8. The Nonviolent Society
  9. The Nonviolent State
  10. Violence & Terrorism
  11. Between Cowardice and Violence
  12. India And The Nonviolent Way
  13. India And The Violent Way
  14. Nuclear War: The Atom Bomb

From A Pictorial Biography of Mahatma Gandhi

  1. Gandhi And Nonviolence

Martin Luther King's views

  1. The Meaning of Nonviolence
  2. Pilgrimage To Nonviolence
  3. Kingian Nonviolence : A Practical Application in Policing

Gandhi's Struggle for Nonviolence

  1. The Birth of Satyagraha
  2. Domestic Satyagraha
  3. Satyagraha At Viramgam
  4. The Indian Emigration Act
  5. The Champaran Struggle
  6. The Mill-Hands of Ahmedabad
  7. The Kheda Struggle
  8. Satyagraha in South Africa


  1. Violence and Its Dimensions
  2. Youth, Nonviolence And Gandhi
  3. Peace Paradigms : Five Approaches to Peace
  4. Nonviolent Action: Some Dilemmas
  5. Conflict, Violence And Education
  6. Peace Education for the Millennium
  7. Martin Luther King's Nonviolent Struggle and its Relevance to Asia

Books Online

  1. My Non-violence : M. K. Gandhi
  2. Conflict Resolution and Gandhian Ethics : Thomas Weber
  3. Nonviolence After Gandhi (PDF Version) : Edited by G. Ramachandran & T. K. Mahadevan
  4. Gandhi-His Relevance for Our Times : Edited by G. Ramachandran & T. K. Mahadevan
  5. Gandhi And South Africa(PDF Version) : E. S. Reddy
  6. Sabarmati To Dandi : Jyotsna Tiwari

  1. Global Nonviolence Network
  2. Books Recommended
  3. Related Links

Conflict Resolution

  1. Role of Academics in Conflict Resolution
  2. Conflict, Violence And Education
  3. Moral Equivalent of War As A Conflict Resolution
  4. The Emerging Role of NGOs in Conflict Resolution
  5. Gandhi's Role and Relevance in Conflict Resolution
  6. Interpersonal Conflict
  7. The Role of Civil Society in Conflict Resolution
  8. An Approach to Conflict Resolution

Gandhiji's Struggle for Non-Violence : Satyagraha At Viramgam

From Poona I went to Rajkot and Porbandar, where I had to meet my brother's widow and other relatives.
During the Satyagraha in South Africa I had altered my style of dress so as to make it more in keeping with that of the indentured labourers, and in England also I had adhered to the same style for indoor use. For landing in Bombay I had a Kathiawadi suit of clothes consisting of a shirt, a dhoti, a cloak and a white scarf, all made of Indian mill cloth. But as I was to travel third from Bombay, I regarded the scarf and the cloak as too much of an encumbrance, so I shed them, and invested in an eight-to-ten-annas Kashmiri cap. One dressed in that fashion was sure to pass muster as a poor man.
On account of the plague prevailing at that time third class passengers were being medically inspected at Viramgam or Wadhwan I forget which. I had slight fever. The inspector on finding that I had a temperature asked me to report myself to the Medical Officer at Rajkot and noted down my name.
Someone had perhaps sent the information that I was passing through Wadhwan, for the tailor Motilal, a noted public worker of the place, met me at the station. He told me about the Viramgam customs, and the hardships railway passengers had to suffer on account of it. I had little inclination to talk because of my fever, and tried to finish with a brief reply which took the form of a question:
'Are you prepared to go to jail?'
I had taken Motilal to be one of those impetuous youths who do not think before speaking. But not so Motilal. He replied with firm deliberation:
'We will certainly go to jail, provided you lead us. As kathiawadis, we have the first right on you. Of course we do not mean to detain you now, but you must promise to halt here on your return. You will be delighted to see the work and the spirit of our youths, and you may trust us to respond as soon as you summon us.'
Motilal captivated me. His comrade eulogizing him, said:
'Our friend is but a tailor. But he is such a master of his profession that he easily earns Rs. 15 a month which is just what he needs working an hour a day, and gives the rest of his time to public work. He leads us all, putting our education to shame.
Later I came in close contact with Motilal, and I saw that there was no exaggeration in the eulogy. He made a point of spending some days in the then newly started Ashram every month to teach the children tailoring and to do some of the tailoring of the Ashram himself. He would talk to me every day of Viramgam, and the hardships of the passengers, which had become absolutely unbearable for him. He was cut off in the prime of youth by a sudden illness, and public life at Wadhwan suffered without him.
On reaching Rajkot, I reported myself to the Medical officer the next morning. I was not unknown there. The Doctor felt ashamed and was angry with the inspector. This was unnecessary, for the inspector had only done his duty. He did not know me, and even if he had known me, he should done have otherwise. The Medical Officer would not let me go to him again insisted on sending an inspector to me instead.
Inspection of third class passengers for sanitary reasons is essential on such occasions. If big men choose to travel third, whatever their position in life, they must voluntarily submit themselves to all the regulations that the poor are subject to, and the officials ought to be impartial. My experience is that the officials, instead of looking upon third class passengers as fellowmen, regard them as so many sheep. They talk to them contemptuously, and brook no reply or argument. The third class passenger has to obey the official as though he were his servant, and the letter may with impunity belabour and blackmail him, and book him his ticket only putting him to the greatest possible inconvenience, including often missing the train. All this I have seen with my own eyes. No reform is possible unless some of the educated and the rich voluntarily accept the status of the poor, travel third, refuse to enjoy the amenities denied to the poor and, instead of taking avoidable hardships, discourtesies and injustice as a matter of course, fight for their removal.
Wherever I went in Kathiawad I heard complaints about the Viramgam customs hardships. I therefore decided immediately to make use of Lord Willingdon's offer. I collected and read all the literature available on the subject, convinced myself that the complaints were well founded, and opened correspondence with the Bombay Government. I called on the Private Secretary to Lord Willingdon and waited on His Excellency also. The latter expressed his sympathy but shifted the blame on Delhi. 'If it had been in our hands, we should have removed the cordon long ago. You should approach the Government of India,' said the secretary.
I communicated with the Government of India, but got no reply beyond an acknowledgment. It was only when I had an occasion to meet Lord Chelmsford later that redress could be had. When I placed the facts before him, he expressed his astonishment. He had known nothing of the matter. He gave me a patient hearing, telephoned that very moment for papers about Viramgam, and promised to remove the cordon if the authorities had no explanation or defence to offer. Within a few days of this interview I read in the papers that the Viramgam customs cordon had been removed.
I regarded this event as the advent of Satyagraha in India. For during my interview with the Bombay Government the Secretary had expressed his disapproval of a reference to Satyagraha in a speech which I had delivered in Bagasra (in Kathiawad).
'Is not this a threat?' he had asked. 'And do you think a powerful Government will yield to threats?'
'This was no threat', I had replied. 'It was educating the people. It is my duty to place before the people all the legitimate remedies for grievances. A nation that wants to come into its own ought to know all the ways and means to freedom. Usually they include violence as the last remedy. Satyagraha, on the other hand, is an absolutely non- violent weapon. I regard it as my duty to explain its practice and its limitations. I have no doubt that the British Government is a powerful Government, but I have no doubt also that Satyagraha is a sovereign remedy.'
The clever Secretary skeptically nodded his head and said: 'We shall see.'

Source: "The Selected Works of Mahatma Gandhi" Autobiography (Vol. II)