GANDHI PHILOSOPHY : Gandhian view on Non-Violence

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Mahatma Gandhi


On Non-Violence

Gandhi's View

  1. Non-violence & World Crisis
  2. Nonviolence Vs. Violence
  3. Religion Vs. No Religion
  4. The Doctrine of The Sword
  5. My Faith in Nonviolence

From The Mind of Mahatma Gandhi

  1. Resistance To Aggression
  2. The Choice before India
  3. The Way to Peace
  4. The Gospel of Nonviolence
  5. The Power of Nonviolence
  6. Training For Nonviolence
  7. Application of Nonviolence
  8. The Nonviolent Society
  9. The Nonviolent State
  10. Violence & Terrorism
  11. Between Cowardice and Violence
  12. India And The Nonviolent Way
  13. India And The Violent Way
  14. Nuclear War: The Atom Bomb

From A Pictorial Biography of Mahatma Gandhi

  1. Gandhi And Nonviolence

Martin Luther King's views

  1. The Meaning of Nonviolence
  2. Pilgrimage To Nonviolence
  3. Kingian Nonviolence : A Practical Application in Policing

Gandhi's Struggle for Nonviolence

  1. The Birth of Satyagraha
  2. Domestic Satyagraha
  3. Satyagraha At Viramgam
  4. The Indian Emigration Act
  5. The Champaran Struggle
  6. The Mill-Hands of Ahmedabad
  7. The Kheda Struggle
  8. Satyagraha in South Africa


  1. Violence and Its Dimensions
  2. Youth, Nonviolence And Gandhi
  3. Peace Paradigms : Five Approaches to Peace
  4. Nonviolent Action: Some Dilemmas
  5. Conflict, Violence And Education
  6. Peace Education for the Millennium
  7. Martin Luther King's Nonviolent Struggle and its Relevance to Asia

Books Online

  1. My Non-violence : M. K. Gandhi
  2. Conflict Resolution and Gandhian Ethics : Thomas Weber
  3. Nonviolence After Gandhi (PDF Version) : Edited by G. Ramachandran & T. K. Mahadevan
  4. Gandhi-His Relevance for Our Times : Edited by G. Ramachandran & T. K. Mahadevan
  5. Gandhi And South Africa(PDF Version) : E. S. Reddy
  6. Sabarmati To Dandi : Jyotsna Tiwari

  1. Global Nonviolence Network
  2. Books Recommended
  3. Related Links

Conflict Resolution

  1. Role of Academics in Conflict Resolution
  2. Conflict, Violence And Education
  3. Moral Equivalent of War As A Conflict Resolution
  4. The Emerging Role of NGOs in Conflict Resolution
  5. Gandhi's Role and Relevance in Conflict Resolution
  6. Interpersonal Conflict
  7. The Role of Civil Society in Conflict Resolution
  8. An Approach to Conflict Resolution

Gandhiji's Struggle for Non-Violence : The Indian Emigration Act

Abolition of Indentured Emigration
We shall, for a moment, take leave of the Ashram, which in the very beginning had to weather internal and external storms, and briefly advert to a matter that engaged my attention.
Indentured labourers were those who had emigrated from India to labour under an indenture for five years or less. Under the Smuts-Gandhi settlement of 1914, the £3 tax in respect of the indentured emigrants to Natal had been abolished, but the general emigration from India still needed treatment.
In March 1916 Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviyaji moved a resolution in the Imperial Legislative Council for the abolition of the indenture system. In accepting the motion Lord Hardinge announced that he had 'obtained from His Majesty's Government the promise of the abolition in due course' of the system. I felt however, that India could not be satisfied with so very vague an assurance, but ought to agitate for immediate abolition. India had tolerated the system through her sheer negligence, and I believed the time had come when people could successfully agitate for this redress. I met some of the leaders, wrote in the press, and saw that public opinion was solidly in favour of immediate abolition. Might this be a fit subject for Satyagraha? I had no doubt that it was, but I did not know the modus operandi.
In the meantime the Viceroy had made no secret of the meaning of 'the eventual abolition', which, as he said, was abolition 'within such reasonable time as will allow of alternative arrangements introduced,'
So in February 1917, Pandit Malaviyaji asked for leave to introduce a bill for the immediate abolition of the system. Lord Chelmsford refused permission. It was time for me to tour the country for an all- India agitation.
Before I started the agitation I thought it proper to wait upon the Viceroy. So I applied for an interview. He immediately granted it. Mr. Maffey, now Sir John Maffey, was his private secretary. I came in close contact with him. I had a satisfactory talk with Lord Chelmsford who, without being definite, promised to be a helpful.
I began my tour from Bombay. Mr. Jehangir Petit undertook to convene the meeting under the auspices of the Imperial Citizenship Association. the Executive Committee of the Association met first for framing the resolutions to be moved at the meeting. Dr. Stanley Reed, Sjt. (now Sir) Lallubhai Samaldas, Sjt. Natarajan and Mr. Petit were present at the Committee meeting. The discussion centred round the fixing of the period within which the Government was to be asked to abolish the system. There were three proposals, viz, for abolition 'as soon as possible,' abolition 'by the 31st July,' and 'immediate abolition.' I was for a definite date, as we could then decide what to do if the Government failed to accede to our request within the time limit. Sjt. Lallubhai was for 'immediate' abolition. He said 'immediate' indicated a shorter period than the 31st July. I explained that the people would not understand the word 'immediate'. If we wanted to get them to do something, they must have a more definite word. Everyone would interpret 'immediate' in his own way, Government one way, the people another way. There was no question of misunderstanding 'the 31st of July,' and if nothing was done by that date, we could proceed further. Dr.Reed saw the force of the argument, and ultimately Sjt. Lallubhai also agreed. We adopted the 31st July as the latest date by which the abolition should be announced, a resolution to that effect was passed at the public meeting, and meetings throughout India resolved accordingly.
Mrs. Jaiji Petit put all her energies into the organization of a ladies' deputation to the Viceroy. Amongst the ladies from Bombay who formed the deputation, I remember the names of Lady Tata and the late Dilshad Begam. The deputation had a great effect. The Viceroy gave an encouraging reply.
I visited Karachi, Calcutta and various other places. There were fine meetings everywhere, and there was unbounded enthusiasm. I had not expected anything like it when the agitation was launched.
In those days I used to travel alone, and had therefore wonderful experiences. C. I. D. men were always after me. But as I had nothing to conceal, they did not molest me, nor did I cause them any trouble. Fortunately I had not then received the stamp of Mahatmaship, though the shout of that name was quite common where people knew me.
On one occasion the detectives disturbed me at several stations, asked for my ticket and took down the number. I, of course, readily replied to all questions they asked. My fellow passengers had taken me to be a 'sadhu' or a 'fakir'. When they saw that I was being molested at every station, they were exasperated and swore at the detectives. 'Why are you worrying the poor sadhu for nothing?' they protested. 'Don't you show these scoundrels your ticket,' they said, addressing me.
I said to them gently: 'It is no trouble to show them my ticket. They are doing their duty.' The passengers were not satisfied, they evinced more and more sympathy, and strongly objected to this sort of ill- treatment of innocent men.
But the detectives were nothing. The real hardship was the third class travelling. My bitterest experience was from Lahore to Delhi. I was going to Calcutta from Karachi via Lahore where I had to change trains. It was full, and those who could get in did so by sheer force, often sneaking through windows if the doors were locked. I had to reach Calcutta on the date fixed for the meeting, and if I missed this train I could not arrive in time. I had almost given up hope of getting in. No one was willing to accept me, when porter discovering my plight came to me and said, 'Give me twelve annas and I'll get you a seat.' 'Yes,' said I, 'you shall have twelve annas if you do procure me a seat.' The young man went from carriage to carriage entreating passengers but no one heeded him. As the train was about to start, some passengers said, 'There is no room here, but you can shove him in if you like. He will have to stand.' 'Well?' asked the young porter. I readily agreed, and he shoved me in bodily through the window. Thus I got in and the porter earned his twelve annas.
The night was a trial. The other passengers were sitting somehow. I stood two hours, holding the chain of the upper bunk. Meanwhile some of the passengers kept worrying me incessantly. 'Why will you not sit down?' they asked. I tried to reason with them saying there was no room, but they could not tolerate my standing, though they were lying full length on the upper bunks. They did not tire of worrying me neither did I tire of gently replying to them. This at last mollified them. Some of them asked me my name, and made room for me. Patience was thus rewarded. I was dead tired, and my head was reeling. God sent help just when it was most needed.
In that way I somehow reached Delhi and thence Calcutta. The Maharaja of Cassimbazar, the president of the Calcutta meeting, was my host. Just as in Karachi, here also there was unbounded enthusiasm. The meeting was attended by several Englishmen.
Before the 31st July the Government announced that indentured emigration from India was stopped.
It was in 1894 that I drafted the first petition protesting against the system, and I had then hoped that this 'semi-slavery,' as Sir W. W. Hunter used to call the system, would some day be brought to an end.
There were many who aided in the agitation which was started in 1894, but I cannot help saying that potential Satyagraha hastened the end.
For further details of that agitation and of those who took part in it, I refer the reader to my Satyagraha in South Africa.

Source: "The selected works of Mahatma Gandhi" Autobiography (Vol II)