Swadeshi is that spirit in us which restricts us
to the use and service of our immediate surroundings to the exclusion of the
more remote. Thus, as for religion, in order to satisfy the requirements of the
definition, I must restrict myself to my ancestral religion. That is, the use of
my immediate religious surrounding. If I find it defective, I should serve it by
purging it of its defects. In the domain of politics I should make use of the
indigenous institutions and serve them by curing them of their proved defects.
In that of economics I should use only things that are produced by my immediate
neighbours and serve those industries by making them efficient and complete
where they might be found wanting. It is suggested that such Swadeshi, if
reduced to practice, will lead to the millennium...
Let us briefly examine the three branches of
Swadeshi as sketched above. Hinduism has become a conservative religion and,
therefore, a mighty force because of the Swadeshi spirit underlying it. It is
the most tolerant because it is non-proselytizing, and it is as capable of
expansion today as it has been found to be in the past. It has succeeded no in
driving out, as I think it has been erroneously held, but in absorbing Buddhism.
By reason of the Swadeshi spirit, a Hindu refuses to change his religion, not
necessarily because he considers it to be the best, but because he knows that he
can complement it by introducing reforms. And what I have said about Hinduism
is, I suppose, true of the other great faiths of the world, only it is held it
is specially so in the case of Hinduism. But here comes the point I am laboring
to reach. If there is any substance in what I have said, will not the great
missionary bodies of India, to whom she owes a deep debt of gratitude for what
they have done and are doing, do still better and serve the spirit of
Christianity better by dropping the goal of proselytizing while continuing their
philanthropic work?
Following out the Swadeshi spirit, I observe the
indigenous institutions, and the village Panchayats holds me. India is really a
republican country, and it is because it is that, that it has survived every
shock hitherto delivered. Princes and potentates, whether they were Indian born
or foreigners, have hardly touched the vast masses except for collecting
revenue. The latter in their turn seem to have rendered unto Caesar what was
Caesar's and for the rest have done much as they have liked. The vast
organization of caste answered not only to the religious wants of the community
but it answered to its political needs. The villagers managed their internal
affairs through the caste system and through it they dealt with any oppression
from the ruling power or powers. It is not possible to deny the organizing
ability of nation that was capable of producing from the caste system its
wonderful power of organization. One has but to attend the great Kumbha Mela at
Hardwar... to know how skilful that organization must have been which, without any
seeming million pilgrims. Yet it is the fashion to say that we lack organizing
ability. This is true, I fear, to a certain extent, of those who have been
nurtured in the new traditions.
We have labored under a terrible handicap owing to
an almost fatal departure from the Swadeshi spirit. We, the educated classes,
have received our education classes, have received our education through a
foreign tongue. We have, therefore, not reacted upon the masses. We want to
represent the masses, but we fail. They recognize us not much more than they
recognize the English officers. Their hearts are an open book to neither. Their
aspirations are not ours. Hence there is a break. And you witness not in reality
failure to organize but want of correspondence between the representatives and
the represented. If during the last fifty years we had been educated through the
vernaculars, our elders and our servants and our neighbours would have partaken
of our knowledge; the discoveries of a Bose or a Ray would have been household
treasures as are the Ramayan and the Mahabharat. As it is, so far as the masses
are the concerned, those great discoveries might as well have been made by
foreigners. Had instruction in all the branches of learning been given through
the vernaculars, I make bold to say that they would have been enriched
wonderfully. The question of village sanitation etc. would have been solved long
ago. The village Panchayats would be now a living force in a special way, and
India would almost be enjoying self-government suited to her requirements, and
would have been spared the humiliating spectacle of organized assassination on
her sacred soil. It is not too late to mend.
And now for the last division of Swadeshi. Much
of the deep poverty of the masses is due to the ruinous departure from Swadeshi
in the economic and industrial life. If not one article of commerce had been
brought from outside India, she would be today a land flowing with milk and
honey. But that was not to be. We were greedy and so was England. The connection
between England and India was based clearly upon and error. But she does not
remain in India in error. It is her declared policy that India is to be held in
trust for her people. If this be true, Lancashire must stand aside. And If the
Swadeshi doctrine is a sound doctrine, Lancashire can stand aside without hurt,
though of Swadeshi not as a boycott movement undertaken by way of revenge. I
conceive it as a religious principle to be followed by all. I am no economist,
but I have read some treatises which show that England could easily become a
self-sustained country, growing all the produce she needs. This may be utterly
ridiculous proposition, and perhaps the best proof that it cannot be true, is
that England is one of the largest importers in the world. But India cannot live
for Lancashire or any other country before she is able to live for herself. And
she can live for herself only if she produces and is helped to produce
everything for her requirements within her own borders. She need not be, she
ought not be, drawn into the vortex of mad and ruinous competition which breeds
fratricide, jealousy and many other evils. But who is to stop her great
millionaires from entering into the public opinion and proper education,
however, can do a great deal in the desired direction. The handloom industry is
in a dying condition. I took special care during my wanderings... to see as many
weavers as possible, and my heart ached to find how they had lost, how families
had retired from this once flourishing and honourable occupation.
If we follow the Swadeshi doctrine, it would be
your duty and mine to find out neighbours who can supply our wants and to teach
them to supply them where they do not know how to proceed, assuming that there
are neighbours who are in want of healthy occupation. Then every village of
India will almost be a self-supporting and self-contained unit, exchanging only
such necessary commodities with other villages as are not locally producible.
This may all sound nonsensical. Well, India is a country of nonsense. It is
nonsensical to parch one's throat with thirst when a kindly Muhammedan is ready
to offer pure water to drink. And yet thousands of Hindus would rather die of
thirst than drink water form a Muhammedan household. These nonsensical men can
also, once they are convinced that their religion demands that they should wear
garments manufactured in India only and eat food only grown in India, decline to
wear any other clothing or eat any other food.
There is a verse in the Bhagavadgita which, freely
rendered, means masses follow the classes. It is easy to undo the evil if the
thinking portion of the community were to take the Swadeshi vow, even though it
may for a time cause considerable inconvenience. I hate best it is the lesser
evil. But I would tolerate, welcome goods. Natal, a British colony, protected
its sugar by taxing the sugar that came from another British colony, Mauritius;
England has sinned against India by forcing free trade upon her. It may have
been food for her, but it has been poison for this country.
It has often been urged that India cannot adopt
Swadeshi in the economic life at any rate. Those who advance this objection do
not look upon Swadeshi as rule of life. With them it is a mere patriotic
effort-not to be mad if it involved any self-denial. Swadeshi, as defined here,
is a religious discipline to be undergone in utter disregard of the physical
discomfort it may cause to individuals. Under it spell the deprivation of a pin
or a needle, because these are not manufactured in India, need cause no terror.
A Swadeshi will learn to do without hundreds of things which today he considers
necessary. Moreover, those who dismiss Swadeshi from their minds by arguing the
impossible, forget that Swadeshi, after all, is a goal to be reached by steady
effort. And we would be making for the goal even if we confined Swadeshi to a
given set of articles allowing ourselves as a temporary measure to use such
things as might not procurable in the country.
There now remains for me to consider one more
objection that has been raised against Swadeshi. The objectors consider it to be
a most selfish doctrine without any warrant in the civilized code of morality.
With them to practice Swadeshi is to revert to barbarism. I cannot enter into a
detailed analysis of the proposition. But I would urge that Swadeshi is the only
doctrine consistent with the law of humility and love. It is arrogance to think
of launching out to serve the whole of family. It was better to concentrate my
effort upon the family and consider that though them I was serving the whole
nation and, if you will, the whole of humanity. This is humility and it is love.
The motive will determine the quality of the act. I may serve my family
regardless of the sufferings I may cause to others. As, for instance, I may
accept an employment which enables me to extort money from people. I enrich
myself thereby and then satisfy many unlawful demands of the family. Here I am
neither serving the family nor the State. Or I may recognize that God has given
me hands and feet only to work with for my sustenance and for that of those who
may be dependent upon me. I would then at once simplify my life and that of
those whom I can directly reach. In this instance I would have served the family
without causing injury to anyone else. Supposing that every one followed this
mode of life, we should have at once and ideal state. All will not reach that
state at the same time. But those of us, who, realizing its truth, enforce it in
practice, will clearly anticipate and accelerate the coming of that happy day.
Under this plan of life, in seeming to serve India to the exclusion of every
other country, I do not harm any other country. My patriotism is both exclusive
and inclusive. It is exclusive in the sense that in all humanity I confine my
attention to the land of my birth, but is inclusive in the sense that my service
is not of a competitive or antagonistic nature. Sic utere tuo ut alinum non
laedas is not merely a legal maxim, but it is a grand doctrine of life. It is
the key t proper practice of Ahimsa or love.
Speeches and Writings of Mahatma Gandhi, pp. 336-44
Even Swadeshi like any other good thing can be ridden to death if it is made a fetish. That is a danger that must be guarded against. To reject foreign manufactures, merely because they are foreign and to go on wasting national time and money in the promotion in one's country of manufactures for which it is not suited, would be criminal folly and a negation of the Swadeshi spirit. A true votary of Swadeshi will not harbor ill-will towards a foreigner and not be actuated by antagonism towards anybody on the earth. Swadeshi is not a cult of hatred. It is a doctrine of selfless service that has its roots in the purest Ahimsa, i.e., love.
From Yervada Mandir, Chap.XVI