(Complete Book available online)
By John Moolakkattu*
Introduction
Scott Appleby, who has done extensive research on religion and politics, concludes that a new form of conflict transformation - religious  peace building - is taking shape on the ground, in and across local communities plagued by violence..1 Since the end of the Cold War, there has been growing co-operation between nations and peoples in the Western hemisphere, and increasing  number of apologies and acts of forgiveness throughout the world. This has prompted scholars of conflict resolution to shift their focus from conflict resolution to concepts such as reconcilation and forgiveness, concepts that reflect more correctly the spirit and practice of the new age. The power of forgiveness as a means of conflict resolution or transformation was emphasized by thinkers like Hannah Arendt as it allows human beings to come to terms  with their undesirable past, thereby  changing the rule that governs the power relationship between the former victimizer and his or her victim. The application of ideas and beliefs that are relevant in the personal and religious realm into politics  is however a project that many political realists would find difficult to agree. Forgiveness, in short, seems to represent the personal, the private, the spiritual. Torpey says that the influence of holocaust consciousness is a factor contributing  to the forgiveness discourse.2 One can also see the direct influence of restorative justice practices such as criminal justice innovations and victim-offender mediation, often drawing on aboriginal justice. However, it is the encouraging results from the experience of the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission and the revival of the Christian idea of forgiveness that also finds reflection in most religions in one form or the other, which made the concept popular in recent years. Some even see this as a sort of opportunity for national self-reflexivity and social healing. In other words, forgiveness, once dismissed as irrelevant in the field of conflict resolution during its technical phase of rational problem solving, has now become a theme of considerable import. 
Conflict resolution deals with how people resolve their disagreements,  often emanating from mutually incompatible goals. Such disagreements entail not only fights, but also negative emotions that persist. The resolution of conflicts through various rational strategies such as negotiations, mediation and facilitation might yield positive outcomes. But conflict resolution focused on the issues that give rise to conflict cannot often address the rupture in human relations that takes  place. Failure to deal with this rupture might increase the likelihood of future conflict.  Hence forgiveness can play a role in conflict resolution  when the parties accept that the conflict is a relational phenomenon and is the result of failed interaction, that both sides have a role in reconstructing the relationships, and in so doing, reconstructing their identities, which results in the restoration of humanity of both.3 At an interpersonal level forgiveness is seen as a very useful virtue and it has led to the  resolution of conflicts between those in intimate relationships such as married  couples. But many would have reservations when this idea is applied  to address group  conflict.
 In this paper I shall look at forgiveness and related concepts like  apology as means to or key ingredients in conflict resolution, particularly in conflicts that have been characterized by genocidal acts involving  communities. As the world becomes  almost like a global village, the importance of apologies and forgiveness for addressing past wrongs and  resolving conflicts is greater than at any point in time.
Towards Forgiveness
Early post-Second World War peace models were more often built   around   visionary   schemes,  which   did   not   seek   to   revive memories of an ugly past. Instead they started from the present and imagined about the future. The future was focused and the present was seen only in terms of a tool to move forward to a future. While forgiveness focuses on the future, it connects itself equally with the past  and  the  present.  The  literature  on  conflict  resolution  also  is largely focused on the ways by which settlement of conflicts could be reached without laying much stress on restoration of ruptured relationships. Memories of past wounds are presumed to disappear once the underlying issues are resolved. It is now widely recognized that communities that have experienced violence of serious proportions either from different identity groups or from an ethnicised state cannot achieve sustainable peace without a process of social healing.
Joseph Montville says that "healing and reconciliation in violent ethnic and religious conflicts depend on a process of transactional contrition and	forgiveness between aggressor and victims".4 Psychological research also supports the role of forgiveness in trauma recovery and social  healing. Montville adds that 'even the most brilliant negotiator can at best make a temporary deal between adversaries, unless he or she advances a genuine process of healing the wounds of history.5
Although it is not easy to let the past behind us, human  beings have the capacity to do so. Andrew Rigby says that it is this capacity to  let go of the past, to forego the quest for revenge, which is at the heart of forgiveness.6 Hatred and the search for vengeance can consume people and  unless people manage to forsake their determination to get  even, there can be no new beginning, no transformation of relationships, no possibility for a shared future.
Donald Shriver thinks that process of asking for and giving forgiveness presupposes the recognition of commission of an evil act by one agent against another, the willingness of offenders to acknowledge their offenses, continued  memory of immorality, the hope of relation repair, forbearance, a step back  from revenge and some degree of empathy with the one who has committed the wrong.7 Many nations have difficulty in coming to terms with the traumatic loss that they have experienced in history. Montville thinks that, It is these losses, these wounds that constitute the burdens of history and the enduring sense of injustice that makes peace building so difficult for traditional  diplomats and political leaders.8>
Centrality of Relationships in Conflict Resolution
A focus on restoration of ruptured relationships has been  a lesser consideration in conflict resolution given its obsession with reaching  seemingly win-win agreements. John Paul Lederach says:
In my estimation the starting point for understanding and supporting reconciliation process is a reorientation toward the centrality of relationships. It is in the ebb and low, the quality of interdependence of relationships that we find the birthplace and home of reconciliation. This is quite different than a focus on issues, the shaping of substantive agreements, or cognitive and rational analytic-based approaches to conflict resolution. In these latter approaches attention  is placed on the external, often symptomatic expressions of how the relationship is negotiated. But they often remain just that, external and symptomatic. To enter reconciliation process is to enter the domain of the internal world, the inner understandings, fears and hopes, perceptions and interpretations of the relationship itself.9
Relationships remain central to peace building because  it provides the template in which cycles of violence happen and the means to transcend  them, for it brings people into the pregnant moments of the moral imagination:  the space of recognition that ultimately the quality of our life is dependent on  the quality of life of others.10 Lederach also thinks that humility as a quality of practice.  For him the balance that we achieve between goals such as truth (past), justice  (present) and the future (mercy and peace) is particularly crucial. This balance  cannot be achieved in technical conflict resolution.
A New Form of Justice
Although  punishment for past wrongs may not take place, the acknowledgement of guilt, naming  and shaming the culprits who abused their fellow beings contains a form of justice. Every wronged person or community's initial reaction is that the offender should be punished for the offence. Here justice traditionally understood in a retributive sense may have to give way to the creation of an atmosphere for the rebuilding of community peace, as Mahmood  Mamdani suggests.11 It is in  this context that the role of restorative justice as a means to address the problem through measures such as truth recovery, reparation, restitution and so on becomes important. At the same time it creates a space within which the perpetrators of crimes might rejoin the community; they can be helped to regain something of their lost humanity and re-establish their connectedness. In allowing victims to come  forward without fear of retribution to tell the often grim details of  how various family members have disappeared, raped or murdered, for example, the pattern of abuses from community to community becomes  apparent and this allows a process of social introspection, mourning   and healing to take place. The testimony of perpetrators allows us to have a clearer picture of the events even as their actions are exposed. By bringing these events out into the open, the power of the perpetrators over their victims is finally severed.
Forgive and Forget?
One of the themes in the discourse on forgiveness relates to whether one should adopt the attitude of forgive and forget as in Eastern Europe or incorporate memory as a key element of forgiveness. It is said that only those who remember can forgive and that memory and not forgetting is the necessary condition of forgiveness. A forgetful person cannot forgive because he or she cannot remember. Without remembering, forgiveness  as a conscious act is impossible. The slogan,  therefore, is no longer forgive and forget, but remember and forgive. Collective turning from the past does not mean ignoring or forgetting the misdeed, but recognizing the humanity of the commissioning agent. Forgiveness is on when that comes from the victim. Whether forgiveness or apology is genuine is also a matter of importance. President Nelson Mandela said, South African people must remember their dreadful past in order to be able to deal with it, to forgive when it is necessary, but never to forget. In the same vein, Archbishop Desmond Tutu asserted: There is no future without forgiveness, but to forgive, one must know what happened. In order not to repeat what happened to others, we must remember.12
Genuine forgiveness is voluntary and unconditional as Gopin concludes since it is not motivated by pressure from a third party, nor is it dependent on the apology or recognition of wrongdoing on the part of the offender.13 Such unilateral measures, which have a strong Gandhian tenor about them, are based on a deep belief in the goodness of human beings and a notion of self that embraces the other. It is more through an internal process that the forgiver is transformed, so also the forgiven, if he or  she is able to receive the gift of forgiveness. The philosopher Trudy Govier has suggested, no-one is absolutely unforgivable, whatever he or she may have done in the world, because to deem unforgivable the perpetrator even of heinous and repeated atrocity is to ignore his human capacity for moral choice and change, which is the very foundation of human worth and dignity.14
Separating Doers from Deeds
In Forgiveness and Revenge Trudy Govier argues, We do not forgive deeds; we forgive people who have committed deeds. When we forgive, it is another person we forgive. From Goviers perspective, it is unnecessary to talk about forgiving deeds as such, because only persons can be forgiven. In support  of this position, she argues that No deed ever expressed remorse, apologized, asked for forgiveness or faced the challenge of moral transformation... it is persons who are the subjects and objects of forgiveness; persons who forgive or do not forgive15. According to Govier, because people are capable of a moral transformation that distances them from their deeds, doers and deeds are separable in a significant way. Forgiveness acknowledges this separation. Here also it works like Gandhian non-violence and  the general principles of conflict resolution theory.
Forgiveness is emphasised as needing greater courage, one that empowers the victims and sets into motion a dynamics similar to non-violent  action. It also provides an opportunity to the offender to overcome the guilt. Hannah  Arendt says: "Forgiving, in other words, is the only reaction which does not  merely re-act but acts anew and unexpectedly, unconditioned by the act which provoked it. ...Without being forgiven, released from the consequences of what we have done, our capacity to act would, as it were, be confined to one single deed from which we could never recover; we would remain the victims of its consequences forever..."16
Studies on trust conducted in Northern Ireland showed that interaction with peers from the out-group had led to higher trust in that outgroup  and a greater willingness to forgive it for any past misdeeds17. Such willingness to forgive a perpetrator rests on a belief that the perpetrator will reciprocate positively and will not exploit such a move as a sign of weakness. Hence increasing the opportunity for intense  contact between members of conflicting groups paves the way for ideas like forgiveness to take root. In a study of intergroup forgiveness  among Bosnian Muslims and Serbs, it was found that Given the beneficial effects of intergroup contact via empathy and trust, one way of restoring intergroup relations by promoting forgiveness would be increasing the opportunity for engaged, structured and good quality contact between members of conflicting groups.”18
Relational World View
Despite its described shortcomings, the South African  Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) opened the floor to victims of each side and gave them a chance to tell their story in the hope that the very process of talking would somehow alleviate the sufferings endured in silence for so long. In this case the victims' Christian upbringing converged with the already existing tendency toward  compassion and harmony that was found in the African ubuntu weltanschauung, a point repeatedly emphasized  by Bishop Tutu. This cultural-religious infrastructure has, arguably, played a significant  role in the prevention of bloodshed and vengeance following the ascendance to power  of the African National Congress (ANC) in 1994.
Forgiveness and Conflict Resolution
We now have several examples to show that forgiveness can play a crucial role in conflict resolution... when it is placed in the context of individual cultures. When the sides to the conflict share similar attitudes regarding the value, importance, shape, and contents of forgiveness, they are ready to embark on the long and difficult journey toward forgiveness that culminates in reconciliation. The greater the cultural-religious gap between the groups, the smaller their chances to reach this goal according to Gopin. Despite such caveats, one can say that the timing of the act of forgiveness or apology-seeking, the intention and will of the parties offering or seeking it and the extent to which a personal touch has been brought into the whole process can have positive implications for conflict resolution and reconciliation. Offering and seeking forgiveness can take  place on the part of individuals as well as collectivities. For example, the statement  of forgiveness by archbishop of Canterbury and Cardinal Cahal Daly former Archbishop of Armagh, Northern Ireland, played a key role in the reconciliation process in  Northern Ireland.
Forgiveness is often a sub process of conflict resolution and  reconciliation and should and can be intentionally integrated into the resolution  process of deep-rooted conflicts. It is not a one shot process or act. It could be part of an ongoing process or the culmination of a process of previous attempts at reconciliation. Its value to break the cycle of violence, hate and despair is particularly pronounced in protracted conflicts.
Forgiveness can work not only towards conflict resolution, but  also for post-settlement peace building. It plays a connecting role in transforming transitional societies emerging from conflict. Resentment is also one way of recovering one's own self-respect. Tutu says Forgiving  means abandoning your right to pay back the perpetrator in his own coin, but it is a loss that liberates the victim." The plea for forgiveness may be perceived  as an act of humiliation and subsequently hurt the pleading party’s status. On the  other hand, the victim who is asked to grant forgiveness may feel that "to forgive  is to relinquish the victim role and the rewards that go with it" such as  "the power to induce guilt, to demand apologies and reparations or to seek punishment  of the perpetrator." 19
Often, however, victims and their families are forced to carry  on with the tasks of everyday living without benefit of reflection on the past.  These people may consciously remember nothing of past events, because the daily  trauma they continue to experience may simply have become normalized; or else they have made a conscious decision to reject the truth surrounding the past, as witnessed in denial and revisionism. I understand from recent research that most people who experienced the partition riots in the Indian subcontinent often wanted not to revive  memories of such trauma and created a form of forgetfulness as a defensive strategy.
Conclusion
The ultimate purpose of forgiveness is restoration of relationships and the reestablishment of connections with the community. Public apologies and seeking and granting of forgiveness create a new dimension to repairing fractured  relationships. In places like Gujarat where the communal passions have been raised  for political advantage, and past violence of genocide proportions have ruptured  communal relations, it is only through a process of collective contrition that reconciliation  will be possible. It would be appropriate for a person like Narendra Modi, who is  now on a politically strong position, to apologise for the state-directed violence  that took place in 2002. More recently, there was widespread condemnation of the  Sri Lankan Government on the excesses committed by it on the civilian Tamil population  in its final battle against the Tigers, one that legitimately demanded an apology. Apologies when carried out at the appropriate time are useful. The sincerity of such apologies also should be felt by the victims. Forgiveness remains the only hope in situations where traditional conflict resolution ideas mainly built on rational choice assumptions  are insufficient guides to reconciliation. We need to stir the conscience of the  people through reviving their stories and go through a process of social healing.
In sum, the centering of  a politics of memory, regret, apology, forgiveness, and reparation has deeper implications  for conflict resolution and post-conflict peace building. This does not mean that  forgiveness and acts of contrition in themselves can serve as substitutes for real  negotiations or dialogue. Instead, they can provide an ideal setting in which negotiations  can take place devoid of power considerations, devoid of bargaining, where the power  of reason is supplemented by the power of heart  or compassion. The manner in which these less utilized human faculties are allowed  to exercise in individual cultural contexts may certainly vary. I would like to  end by saying that a culture of forgiveness or the development of habits of  heart should also constitute an essential element of a culture of peace and one  of the goals of peace education. The recent shift in emphasis from conflict resolution  to conflict transformation is certainly a welcome development in that it seeks to  incorporate forgiveness and apology as key elements of reconciliation. However,  forgiveness and associated values cannot be foisted on societies from elsewhere.  As Lederach says, “understanding conflict and developing appropriate models of handling  it will necessarily be rooted in, and must respect and draw from, the cultural  knowledge of a people”20
Notes and References::
Source: Contemporary Perspectives on Peace and Non-violence, 2010
* John Moolakkattu is Gandhi-Luthuli Chair Professor in Peace Studies, University of Kwazulu- Natal, Durban, South Africa; Editor Gandhi Marg, New Delhi and visiting Professor, Institute of Gandhian Studies, Wardha. Email: moolajohn@yahoo.com